Introduction

With the present chapter I continue translating and studying the Ekottarika-āgama parallel to the Makhādeva-sutta of the Majjhima-nikāya.[n.1] [2] The translated part of EĀ 50.4 is found at T II 808b17 to 810b19. As in the previous chapter, here, too, I often take into account only differences between EĀ 50.4 and MN 83 in my notes, only at times covering also the other parallel versions.

In the part of the discourse translated in the previous chapter, the Buddha smiles when being at a certain spot and, on being asked by Ānanda for the reason, relates the story of a wheel-turning king of the past by the name of Mahādeva. After describing in detail the seven precious possessions of this wheel-turning king, the Buddha relates how, at the sight of the first white hair on his head, King Mahādeva abdicates the throne in favour of the crown prince Dīghāyu, instructing him to follow the same mode of conduct of renouncing the throne when the first white hair manifests on his head. The remaining part of the discourse translated below sets in at this juncture in the narrative.

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Translation of EĀ 50.4 (second part)

"King Dīghāyu, having ascended the throne, on the fifteenth day of the month, it being the full-moon day, went up on top of the eastern hall together with his women and, looking towards the east, he saw a beautiful woman, handsome … as [described] above … who came approaching through empty space. In due course, Dīghāyu came to be endowed with the seven treasures.

7. "Having become the head of the government of the country, King Dīghāyu ruled over the four continents. [Then] Dīghāyu said to the barber: 'From now onwards, if while combing my hair you see a white hair, do come and tell me!'

He had been on the noble throne for the full length of eighty-four-thousand years, [when] a white hair in turn manifested. The barber told the king: 'A purely white hair has manifested.' The king said: 'Pull it out, come, and put it on my palm.' The barber pulled it out with golden tweezers and put it on the king's hand. The king held the white hair and gave expression to a poem:

"'[Right] on top of my own head,
The ruining of health has manifested,
The body's messenger has come to summon me,
The time to embark on the path has arrived.'
"The king thought: 'I have already had the best of the five [types] of human pleasures. Now I shall go forth, having removed hair and beard and having donned Dharma robes.'

"He summoned the crown prince Crown-topknot and told him:[n.2] [3] EĀ 50.4 at T II 808b29: 冠髻, with a variant reading as 冠結. The proper name in the present passage might be similar to Skt. uṣṇīṣaśiras. Another possibility would be to follow the indication in Mvy no. 5841, Sakaki 1926: 380, that 冠 corresponds to kholā, and then perhaps reconstruct the name such as Skt. kholakeśin. MN 83 does not mention the name of the prince. 'Prince, I have already white [hair] on my head. I have already been sated with the five [types] of pleasure in the world, [now] I shall seek divine pleasures. I wish to go forth now to practise the path, shaving off my hair and beard and wearing Dharma robes.

"You shall become the head of the government of the country now. Appoint your eldest [son] as the crown prince. Take good care to have the barber in turn watch out for a white hair. If a white hair appears, hand over the country to your crown prince and go forth like me, having removed hair and beard and having donned Dharma robes.'

"The king told the crown prince: 'Now I dutifully pass on to you the burden of this noble throne. You should make sure this noble royal throne is in turn passed on [like this] from generation to generation, do not let this custom die out in turn. If this custom dies out, you will in turn be like the people in the border countries. If you let this wholesome practice die out, you will in turn be reborn in a region devoid of Dharma.'

8. "Having given these orders and admonishments, King Dīghāyu handed over the country to his crown prince Crowntopknot and bestowed some farmland on the barber."

The Buddha told Ānanda: "In this town, this grove, and this [spot of] earth, King Dīghāyu removed his hair and beard, put on Dharma robes and embarked on the path.

9. "In this place he practised the four divine abodes of mettā, compassion, sympathetic joy, and equanimity for eightyfour thousand years. At the end of his life, he attained rebirth in the Brahmā realm."

The Buddha told Ānanda: "After King Dīghāyu had gone forth for seven days, the seven treasures spontaneously disappeared.[n.3] [4] The present section on the disappearance of the seven treasures and how this motivated the king to visit his father for advice is without a parallel in MN 83. King Crown-topknot was sad and unhappy. On seeing the king's displeasure, the courtiers in turn asked the king: 'Why is your majesty displeased?' The king replied to the courtiers: 'Because the seven treasures have disappeared.' The courtiers told the king: 'Let the king not be sad!' The king said: 'How could I not be sad?' The courtiers said: 'Your father, the [former] king, dwells in a grove nearby to practise the holy life. You can approach him to receive advice. He will certainly instruct the king in the Dharma that will bring about [a reappearance of] the treasures.'

"The king right away gave order to get the [chariot] harnessed. When the courtiers had in turn complied with the order to get the [chariot] harnessed, they in turn told the king. Together with the company of courtiers the king mounted a chariot adorned with the seven precious substances and, wearing the five insignia [of a king] – which are a bejewelled turban, a feathered parasol, a sword, a fan, and bejewelled shoes – he went towards the grove, followed by his retinue of courtiers.

"On arriving, he descended from his chariot, set aside the five insignia, and entered the gate of the grove on foot. He approached his father, the [former] king, paid respect with his head at [his father's] feet, and sat back to one side. Holding his hands with palms together [in homage], he said: 'The seven treasures of the king have by now all disappeared.'

"The father had before been sitting in meditation. On hearing what had been said, he raised his head and replied: 'Prince, as regards this noble Dharma of kings, this is not to be inherited from one's father's possession. You have to practise the Dharma yourself and comply with it.'

"The king asked again: 'What is the guideline of the Dharma for a noble wheel-turning king?' The father replied: 'Reverencing the Dharma, respecting the Dharma, recollecting the Dharma, cultivating the Dharma, [making] the Dharma endure, [making] the Dharma shine, [making] the Dharma become great; with the undertaking of these seven principles a noble king in turn should govern properly and can obtain the treasures.'

"The king asked further: 'How to reverence the Dharma … up to … [make] the Dharma become great?' The father replied: 'You should train in making gifts to the poor, instruct the people to practise filial piety by supporting both of their parents and to observe regularly the fasting day four times [a month, each after a] period of eight [days]. Teach them how to act with patience and how to discard sexual desires, jealousy, and foolish activities. These seven principles are befitting the Dharma of a noble king.'

"The king received the teaching. Having taken leave to withdraw, he paid respect, performed seven circumambulations, and returned.[n.4] [5] Usually in the early discourses only three circumambulations are mentioned; cf. Anālayo 2011c: 21. The motif of seven circumambulations recurs elsewhere in the Ekottarika-āgama; cf. EĀ 52.1 at T II 821c17 and below p. 369 note 24. Then, always upholding his father's decrees, he respectfully undertook the seven principles, declaring far and near the vast and lofty royal instructions. The king in turn opened the treasure store and made gifts to the poor. He supported and looked after orphans and the aged, no person in the four directions was not taken care of reverentially.

"Then, on the fifteenth day of the month, it being the fullmoon day, having washed and cleaned himself, the king went up on top of the eastern hall together with his women and, looking towards the east, [he saw] a purplish-coloured golden wheel with a thousand spokes, a wheel that was at a height of seven palm trees. Approaching through empty space at a height of seven palm trees from the ground, it stood in mid air.

"The king thought: 'I wish to get this wheel, can I?' The wheel lowered itself until it reached the king's left hand and continued moving into his right hand. The king said to the wheel: 'Conquer for me all those that have not been conquered, take for me all lands that do not belong to me, in accordance with the Dharma, not against the Dharma!'

"With his hand the king hurled the wheel back into the sky. The wheel stood in the midst of the sky near the eastern gate of the palace with its rim pointing towards the east and the hub pointing towards the north.[n.5] [6] Adopting the variant 北 instead of 比.

"After the wheel [had appeared] the white elephant manifested, then the dark purplish-coloured horse manifested, then the miraculous jewel manifested, then the beautiful woman manifested, then the steward manifested, and then the general manifested.

"These seven treasures appeared and he tried them out, just as King Mahādeva [had done]. After eighty-four thousand years had passed like this, the king gave a grant to the barber and also gave orders to his crown prince, handing over the country's affairs, and went forth to embark on the path, all just like the Dharma of previous kings."

The Buddha told Ānanda: "King Crown-topknot in this town, this grove, and at this [spot of] earth removed his hair and beard, put on Dharma robes, and practised the four divine abodes of mettā, compassion, sympathetic joy, and equanimity for eighty-four thousand years. At the end of his life, he was reborn in the Brahmā realm."

10. The Buddha told Ānanda: "Continuing from King Mahādeva's son and grandson,[n.6] [7] Adopting a variant that adds 天 to 大. for eighty-four-thousand generations the noble wheel-turning kings [ascended] the throne without letting this wholesome custom perish.[n.7] [8] EĀ 50.4 T II 809a22 actually speaks of eighty-four thousand "years" at this point, 歲, to which a variant adds "generations", 代. A reference to years would not fit the present context, although its occurrence could easily be a case of accidental copying from earlier references to eighty-four thousand. Hence in my rendering I adopt the variant reading. This is supported by the parallel versions, which at the present junction speak of eight-four-thousand generations; cf. MN 83 at MN II 78,8, MĀ 67 at T I 514b5, and D 1 kha 54b2 or Q 1030 ge 50a6. MN 83 at MN II 78,11 adds that they practised the four brahmavihāras for eighty-four thousand years and that each of them for the same time period had also been a child, a crown prince, and a king; this part corresponds to §11 in Ñāṇamoli 1995/2005: 694.

12. "The last noble king, called Nimi,[n.8] [9] EĀ 50.4 at T II 809a23: 荏, which according to Mathews 1963: 466 among others means "alternating". This might be an attempt to render nimi, for which Monier-Williams 1899/1999: 551 s.v. nimi gives "the closing or winking of the eyes, twinkling". In fact EĀ 50.4 at T II 809c9 indicates that the king was similar to Sakka in regard to not blinking his eyes, both thereby differing in this respect from the average human being. Moreover, the text itself explains 荏 to convey the sense of 不眗音, where if 眗 should be an error for 眴, found below at T II 809c9, the idea would be "not blinking" one's eyes. MN 83 at MN II 78,28 gives the name of this king as Nimi; cf. also MĀ 67 at T I 514b8: 尼彌. T 152 at T III 48c27 and T 211 at T IV 608b9 render his name as 南, which according to Chavannes 1910: 324 points to Nami, whereas Willemen 1999: 220 translates the same as Nemi. The Tibetan Bhaiṣajyavastu at D 1 kha 54b2 or Q 1030 ge 50a7 renders his name as mu khyud, "rim", Skt. nemi. Dīp 3.35, Oldenberg 1879: 28,24, records his name as Nemiyo. Jā 541 at Jā VI 96,17 reports that soothsayers told the king that his newborn son had come to "round off" the number of descendants. The king then associated the idea of "rounding off" with the "rim" of a wheel and decided to give his son the name nemi, "rim". For an explanation of the name of the twenty-second Jain Tīrthaṅkara that similarly involves the sense of nemi as a wheel-rim cf. Jacobi 1884/1996: 277 note 1 and von Glasenapp 1925/1999: 317. governed by the right Dharma. He was wise in his interactions with people and careful to be truthful, without deception.[n.9] [10] Adopting the variant 妄 instead of 忘. He was endowed with the thirty-two characteristics and his complexion was like a red lotus flower.[n.10] [11] MN 83 does not mention his possession of the thirty-two characteristics. Whereas in Pāli discourses these are only associated with the Buddha (cf., e.g., MN 91 at MN II 136,6), in the course of time these characteristics appear to have been applied also to his previous lives, and even to his family members; cf. Lüders 1913: 883 for the former and Zin 2003 for the latter, and for a comparative study of the thirty-two characteristics Anālayo 2011c: 528–539.

"He delighted in generosity, in giving to recluses and brahmins, in supporting and looking after orphans and the aged, and in helping and giving to the poor. At the four gates of the town and in the middle of the town he had storehouses established with gold and silver, various jewels, elephants, horses, chariots, clothes, beds and mattresses, medicines for the sick, perfumes and flowers, and beverages and food.

"All single [men] were each provided with a wife and various gifts were given in accordance with what people desired. The king kept the six fasting days,[n.11] [12] EĀ 50.4 at T II 809a29: 六齋. Soothill and Hodous 1937/2000: 139 explain that these are "the six monthly poṣadha or fast days: the 8th, 14th, 15th, 23rd, 29th, and 30th. They are the days on which the Four Mahārājas 四天王 take note of human conduct and when evil demons are busy, so that great care is required and consequently nothing should be eaten after noon, hence the 'fast'." The corresponding part in MN 83 at MN II 78,30 only mentions his keeping of the uposatha days on the fourteenth, fifteenth, and eighth of each fortnight, without going into other details of his administering of the country. Hu-von Hinüber 1996: 90f clarifies that in such references the fourteenth and the fifteenth day are alternatives, so that the overall count for a fortnight will be two uposatha days for laity, one of which falls on the eighth and the other on the fourteenth or the fifteenth; the last is also the uposatha for monastics to recite the code of rules. and provided orders that inside and outside all should keep the eightfold restraint on such days. The leaders of the heavenly assembly would all come down [on such occasions] and administer the eight precepts.[n.12] [13] Adopting the variant 授 instead of 受.

13. "Sakka, the ruler [of the devas] and the devas of the Thirty-three all praised the people of that country: 'It is excellent, it is a good fortune to encounter such a Dharma king, who gives various gifts in accordance with what people desire and who is able to observe a pure observance day (uposatha) without blemish.'[n.13] [14] In MN 83 at MN II 79,3 their praise is about his ruling in accordance with the Dharma.

"Sakka, the ruler of the devas, said to the devas: 'Would you like to get to see King Nimi [here]?' They all answered: 'We wish to see him [here], if you in turn can get him to come here.'

"Sakka, the ruler of the devas, gave orders to the heavenly maiden Qióngbíní:[n.14] [15] EĀ 50.4 at T II 809b7: 窮鼻尼, explained in an inter-textual remark to stand for being "very handsome", 極端正. In MN 83 at MN II 79,12 Sakka goes himself to invite Nimi. 'Go to the town of Mithilā and tell King Nimi: "Dear, you have attained a great good fortune, all the devas here praise your lofty virtues and have sent me to ask dutifully whether you would consent to come here briefly, as all the devas very much wish to meet you."'

"Having received the orders, Qióngbíní in turn went down in an instant, just as [swiftly] as a person might bend or stretch an arm. She stood in the middle of the empty sky in front of the royal palace. The king was seated on the palace roof, being waited on by a single woman. He was reflecting on the world, wishing that all would in turn obtain peace and that no being should be suffering or in distress.[n.15] [16] Such a reflection is not reported in MN 83.

"[Hovering] in the midst of the sky, Qióngbíní snapped her fingers to get attention. The king raised his head. He saw a great light above the palace and heard these words: 'I am an envoy from Sakka, the ruler of the devas, I was dispatched to approach the king.' The king replied: 'I did not know; what are the orders decreed by the ruler of the devas?'

"The heavenly maiden replied: 'The ruler of the devas dutifully sends his regards. All the deities praise your virtues and hope to meet you. Will you consent to a brief [visit]?' The king assented by remaining silent.

"The heavenly maiden returned and told the ruler of the devas in turn: 'Your decree has been announced and accomplished. He has agreed to come for a visit.'

14. "The ruler of the devas gave orders to his royal attendant to harness a flying horse-chariot [adorned] with the seven precious substances and to descend to the town of Mithilā to meet King Nimi. Having received the orders, the royal attendant harnessed the horse-chariot and in turn right away descended.[n.16] [17] MN 83 at MN II 80,2 indicates that the charioteer had the name Mātali and that his chariot was drawn by a thousand thoroughbred horses.

"The king was sitting in the company of a group of courtiers in the city.[n.17] [18] MN 83 does not refer to the king's courtiers, to their reaction, or to the king instructing them before departing. The chariot stopped in mid air in front of the king. The charioteer said: 'The ruler of the devas has sent this chariot to receive you. The devas in their dignified appearance are waiting [for you]. You can mount the chariot in turn. Do not turn back longingly.'

"The greater and minor courtiers, on hearing that the king was to leave, were unhappy. They all got up and, standing with their palms held together [in homage], they said: 'After the king has left, what are the decrees to be obeyed by your assembled courtiers?' The king said: 'Dear ones, you should not be sad. After I am gone, make gifts, [observe] the fasting day, support the people, administer the country, just as [you do] when I am there. I will soon be back.' When the king had completed admonishing and giving orders, the chariot descended to the ground and the king in turn mounted the chariot.

"The royal attendant asked the king: 'Which way shall we take?' The king said: 'What do you mean?'[n.18] [19] Their exchange in MN 83 is briefer, as Nimi immediately understands what the charioteer is referring to. The royal attendant answered: 'There are two ways, one proceeds through the evil realms, the other through the good realms. Those who practise what is evil, through their evil ways reach realms of suffering. Those who cultivate what is wholesome, by engaging in wholesome ways they reach realms of happiness.' The king said: 'I wish that today we take the way through both the good and the evil realms.'

"Having heard it, the charioteer took a while to understand it. He said: 'Very good, great king.' The charioteer then drove in the middle between the two ways, so that it was possible to see the good and the evil [destinies] completely, until they arrived at the heaven of the Thirty-three.

15. "The ruler of the devas and the devas saw the king coming at a distance. Sakka, the ruler of the devas, said: 'Welcome great king.' He [then] gave the order that they were to be seated together."[n.19] [20] MN 83 does not report that Sakka had Nimi sit with him together, presumably on his throne.

The Buddha told Ānanda: "[When] the king in turn sat close to Sakka, the appearance of the king and of Sakka, the ruler [of the devas], their clothing and the sound of their voices were just the same. The devas thought: 'Which one is Sakka, the ruler of the devas, and which one is the king?' They further thought: 'The nature of humans is to blink [their eyes], but both do not blink.' They felt each very astonished that there was no difference [between the two]. The ruler of the devas saw that the devas were puzzled and thereupon thought: 'I shall ask the king to get him to stay, afterwards they will understand [who is who].'

"Sakka, the ruler [of the devas], said to the devas: 'Dear ones, do you wish that I ask the king to get him to stay?' The devas said: 'We really wish you would get him to stay!' The ruler of the devas said to Nimi: 'Great king, will you stay here? I will supply you with the five types of pleasure.' Because of this [exchange], the devas recognized [who was who].

"The human king said to the ruler of the devas: 'It is well. As you have offered me this grant in turn, I express the wish that all devas may have a lifespan without limit.'[n.20] [21] For the king to give a blessing instead of assenting by remaining silent would imply that he does not accept the offer. In MN 83 at MN II 80,19 he explicitly declines, expressing this with the word alaṃ. He then indicates that he wants to return in order to act in accordance with the Dharma and observe the uposatha, without referring to his father's instruction to go forth. In the same way, the host invited the guest to accept up to three times.

"[Then] Sakka, the ruler [of the devas], said to the king: 'Why do you not [want] to stay?' The king replied: 'I shall go forth to cultivate the path. In this heaven the conditions for training in the path are not there.' The ruler of the devas said: 'Why [do you want to] undertake the path?' The king said: 'I have been so instructed by my father, the [former] king. If a white hair appears, the Dharma is that I should go forth.' Hearing this, Sakka became silent and did not reply, letting him go so that he might embark on the path.

"The king had remained in the heavens for a very short while, enjoying himself with the five pleasures. In the meantime, on earth twelve years had already passed. As he was about to take his leave, the king spoke about the true Dharma to the devas.[n.21] [22] MN 83 does not report for how long Nimi stayed in the heaven of the Thirty-three, nor does it record that he gave a teaching on departing.

16. "Sakka gave orders to the royal attendant: 'Take King Nimi back to his home country.' Having received the order, the royal attendant harnessed [the chariot]. When it was harnessed, he told the king: 'The king can mount the chariot.'

"Then, having taken leave of Sakka, the ruler [of the devas], and the devas in turn, the king mounted the chariot. Proceeding along the way [taken] earlier, he returned to his palace in Mithilā. The royal attendant returned to heaven.

17. "Several days after having descended and returned, the king gave orders to the barber: 'If you see a white hair, tell me.' After several days, on his head a white hair manifested.[n.22] [23] Adopting a variant that adds 生 after 白髮. With golden tweezers the barber pulled out the white hair and put it into the king's hand. Having seen it, the king gave expression to a poem:

"'[Right] on top of my own head,
The ruining of health has manifested,
The body's messenger has come to summon [me],
The time to embark on the path has arrived.'
"The king thought: 'I have already had the best of the five [types] of human pleasures. Now I shall go forth, having shaved hair and beard and having donned Dharma robes.' The king summoned the crown prince, [called] Terminator of Wholesomeness,[n.23] [24] EĀ 50.4 at T II 810a4: 善盡. MN 83 at MN II 82,16 gives his name as Kaḷārajanaka. and told him: 'A white hair has already appeared to me. I have already been sated with the five [types] of pleasure of the world, now I wish to seek divine pleasures. I shall go forth to practise the path, having removed my hair and beard and having donned Dharma robes. Prince, I now hand over the affairs of this country to you. Look after the barber well. If a white hair appears, hand over the country to your crown prince and go forth to practise the path.

"Prince, now employing this noble [way of succeeding to] the royal throne has accumulated [up to] you, do not let this custom perish. If this custom perishes, you will in turn be like the people in the border countries.'"

18. The Buddha told Ānanda: "King Nimi handed over the country's administration to his crown prince and, having granted land to the barber, in this town, grove, and [spot of] earth he removed his hair and beard, donned Dharma robes, and went forth to cultivate the path.

19. "Seven days after he had [begun] to cultivate the path, the wheel and the jewel disappeared; the elephant, the horse, the woman, the steward, and the general all [manifested their] impermanence.[n.24] [25] MN 83 does not report the disappearance of the seven treasures. In this grove the [former] king for eightyfour thousand years practised the divine abodes, mettā, compassion, sympathetic joy, and equanimity. After passing away, he was reborn in the Brahmā realm.

20. "The next king, [by the name of] Terminator of Wholesomeness, did not follow his father's actions. The right Dharma was abandoned. Consequently the seven treasures did not appear again. The wholesome conduct was not continued.[n.25] [26] MN 83 at MN II 82,17 just briefly reports that the king did not go forth, broke the good practice, and thus was the last man, antimapurisa. MN 83 has no counterpart to the ensuing description in EĀ 50.4.

"A fivefold decrease set in. People's lifespan became shorter, their appearance became shabby. They lacked strength, had many diseases, and were without knowledge. Once the fivefold decline had set in,[n.26] [27] Adopting the variant 已 instead of 以. poverty and hardship ensued. Hardship and poverty in turn led to theft. [The thief] was brought to the king, who was informed: 'This man took what was not given.' The king gave orders that he should be [taken] outside [of the town] and be executed.

"The citizens, hearing that those who take what is not given were executed by the king, all became evil. Each took a sharp sword or started to make swords themselves. Due to this, the killing of living beings arose. Thereupon two evils had manifested, [stealing and killing].

"In turn there was adultery with another's wife. The husband criticized both [culprits]. The [adulterer] said of himself: 'I did not do it.' Thereupon four evils had been accomplished. With divisive speech [leading to] quarrelling there were then five evils.

"Quarrelling led to abuse, so there were six evils. Saying what is hypocritical [took place], so there were seven evils. [Some] were jealous of others' harmony, so there were eight evils. [Some] cherished [such] anger that their complexion changed, so there were nine evils. [Some] had a mind full of doubt and confusion, so there were ten evils. With the ten evils having come to fulfilment, the fivefold decline in turn increased."

21. The Buddha said to Ānanda: "Do you wish to know who at that time was King Mahādeva, the first in this auspicious aeon? It was me.[n.27] [28] The discourse versions and the Bhaiṣajyavastu agree in identifying Ma(k)hādeva as a former life of the Buddha; cf. MN 83 at MN II 82,22, MĀ 67 at T I 515a7, and D 1 kha 56a2 or Q 1030 ge 51b6. Neumann 1896/1995: 1109 note 200 considers the section in MN 83 at MN II 82,19–24 that identifies King Makhādeva as a former life of the Buddha to be a commentarial interpolation. According to Windisch 1908:10, it is difficult to believe that the historical Buddha should already have identified tales found among the early discourses as jātakas. Tanabe 2002/2003: 50 suggests that the tale of King Nimi is based on an ancient Indian tale that was adopted as a story reporting a previous life of the Buddha and then introduced into the Buddhist canon. On the general tendency of parables to become jātakas cf. also Anālayo 2010b: 56–71. Ānanda, do you wish to know who at that time was the king called Nimi, who ruled without fault for eighty-four thousand years? It was you.[n.28] [29] According to the Pāli and Chinese Jātaka collections, Nimi was rather a past life of the Buddha; cf. Jā 541 at Jā VI 96,17 and T 152 at T III 48c25. The same identification is also found in the Lalitavistara; cf. Lefmann 1902: 170,16. Jā 9 at Jā I 139,28 and Jā 541 at Jā VI 129,16 then report that Ānanda had been Makhādeva's barber and subsequently Sakka's charioteer Mātali, who took King Nimi to the heaven of the Thirty-three. Do you wish to know who was the last king at that time, called Terminator of Wholesomeness, who went contrary to the path and let the noble king's custom perish? It was Devadatta.[n.29] [30] No such identification is found in MN 83.

"Ānanda, at that time you inherited from the noble wheel-turning king Mahādeva a wholesome inheritance, continuing in turn what he had established without discontinuity, efficiently and according to the Dharma, not contrary to the Dharma.

"Ānanda, I am now the unsurpassable king of Dharma. Now my inheritance is the unsurpassable wholesome Dharma. I carefully request you, as a son of the Sakyans, do not become a man of the border countries, do not let the practice of this custom perish!" Ānanda asked the Buddha: "What will cause the practice of this custom to perish?"[n.30] [31] MN 83 does not report an enquiry by Ānanda and also differs in the wording of the Buddha's indications, although the main import of the two versions is similar.

The Buddha told Ānanda: "Even though King Mahādeva practised the wholesome Dharma, he did not attain the destruction of the influxes, he did not transcend the world,[n.31] [32] Adopting a variant that adds 未. he did not attain the crossing over, he did not eradicate desire, he did not attain the uprooting of the twenty-one fetters,[n.32] [33] Adopting a variant that reads 一 instead of 億. he did not discard the sixty-two views, he did not purify himself from the three impurities, he did not attain penetrative knowledge, he did not attain the true path to liberation, he did not attain Nirvāṇa. Mahādeva's practice of the wholesome Dharma did not go beyond being reborn in the Brahmā realm.

"Ānanda, the Dharma I have come to know now is supreme and unconditioned.[n.33] Adopting a variant that adds 今. The Dharma I reached is the ultimate truth, it is above devas and men. This Dharma of mine is free from the influxes, it is free from desire, it has as its essence cessation and transcendence,[n.34] Adopting the variant 滅度神 instead of 減沒度. penetrative liberation, real recluseship, and the attainment of Nirvāṇa.

"Ānanda, I now carefully request you to make use of this supreme path of Dharma. Do not [allow] an increasing decline of my Dharma.[n.35] Adopting the variant 減 instead of 滅. Do not become a man of the border countries. Ānanda, if it occurs that a disciple lets the practice of this Dharma perish, then he is a man of the border countries. If he is able to make this Dharma prosper, then he is the Buddha's eldest son and has accomplished family membership. Ānanda, you should accomplish family membership. Do not exterminate the practice of the clan. Ānanda, the Dharma I taught to you, earlier and later, is all out of concern for you. You should train yourself like this."

When the Buddha had spoken, Ānanda was delighted and received it respectfully.

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Study

A central motif in the various versions of the Discourse on Ma(k)hādeva is the peaceful relinquishing of the throne at the sight of a first white hair on the head. The Ekottarika-āgama discourse speaks in this context of the white hair as the "body's messenger"; the parallel versions instead refer to the white or grey hair as a divine messenger.[n.36] EĀ 50.4 at T II 808b1: 身使來召, whereas the other versions speak of a divine messenger, devadūta/天使/lha yi pho nya, cf. MN 83 at MN II 75,18 (cf. also Jā 9 at Jā I 138,24), MĀ 67 at T I 513c8, T 211 at T IV 608b24, D 1 kha 53b6 or Q 1030 ge 49b4, and D 4094 ju 77a2 or Q 5595 tu 87a3, as does the version of the present tale found in the introduction to the Ekottarika-āgama, EĀ 1 at T II 552a1: 天使. On the notion of a divine messenger cf. also Anālayo 2007a.

The notion of a divine messenger serves to set a contrast to the way the average person reacts on seeing the divine messenger of old age. The Devadūta-sutta and its parallels depict an evil-doer brought before King Yama, who enquires whether the culprit had ever seen the divine messengers, one of them being old age. On seeing another grow old, did it never occur to the evil-doer that he too would grow old and thus should avoid evil and do what is good?[n.37] MN 130 at MN III 180,12, AN 3.35 at AN I 138,21, DĀ 30.4 at T I 126b25, T 24 at T I 331a8, T 25 at T I 386a5, MĀ 64 at T I 504a15, T 42 at T I 827b7, T 43 at T I 828c23, T 86 at T I 909c13, EĀ 32.4 at T II 674c17, T 212 at T IV 668c28, and T 741 at T XVII 547a25.

In the present tale King Mahādeva and his descendants are shown to be of a rather different calibre, as a single white hair suffices for them to renounce the throne, as well as all of their glorious possessions. At the first sign of old age, they go forth to practise a life dedicated to renunciation and the meditative cultivation of the brahmavihāras.

The episode of the white hair appears to be a key scene in the discourse, an importance reflected in the fact that it has been depicted in a Bhārhut relief.[n.38] Cf. Barua 1934: 82–85, Schlingloff 1981: 102, Cummings 1982: 44 plate 7, Sarkar 1990: 124, and Lal Nagar 1993: 160f, and for further references Grey 1994: 233f. Lüders 1941/1966: 153 notes that the presentation in the relief appears to be close to the version in MN 83 at MN II 75,17, where Ma(k)hādeva only informs the crown prince, whereas in Jā 9 at Jā I 138,21 he also informs the ministers. The same motif recurs among the Jains and elsewhere in Indian literature.[n.39] An occurrence of the motif of the grey or white hair can be found in the Jain Pariśiṣṭaparvan 1.95; cf. Jacobi 1883: 10, translated in Hertel 1908: 25. On the same motif in Indian literature in general cf. Bloomfield 1916: 57–58; for parallels to the notion of the messenger of death in European literature cf. Morris 1885.

The Ekottarika-āgama version stands alone in combining its description of the long succession of ideal kings with narrative pieces that in other Nikāya or Āgama discourses appear in a different context, in line with the cases of discourse merger discussed above.[n.40] Cf. above p. 51ff. One of these narrative pieces is the need for the successor of a wheel-turning king to receive instruction in proper rulership, which has a counterpart in the Discourse on the Wheel-turning King in the Dīgha-nikāya and its parallels in the Dīrgha-āgama and the Madhyama-āgama.[n.41] DN 26 at DN III 60,9, DĀ 6 at T I 39b24, and MĀ 70 at T I 520c14.

Another such piece in the present Ekottarika-āgama discourse is the description of the general deterioration of living conditions and morality due to improper rulership by the time of Nimi's successor, who did not continue the type of conduct upheld by his forefathers. This is also found in the Discourse on the Wheel-turning King and its parallels.[n.42] DN 26 at DN III 65,15, DĀ 6 at T I 40b23, and MĀ 70 at T I 522a28.

Judging from the above examples, perhaps the fascination exerted by the motif of the cakravartin on early Buddhist narrators and reciters facilitated an intrusion of narrative pieces originally stemming from a version of the Discourse on the Wheel-turning King into the present context.[n.43] On parallelisms between the tales in DN 26 and MN 83 cf. also Wiltshire 1990: 188. Another instance of such narrative enhancement would appear to be the description of how Sakka invited King Nimi to sit together with him, and thus presumably share his throne. Descriptions of Sakka sharing his throne with a wheel-turning king can be found in the Māndhātṛ tale; cf. MĀ 60 at T I 495b17 and the Divyāvadāna, Cowell and Neil 1886: 222,17. The sharing of the throne is not mentioned in a jātaka version of this story, Jā 258 at Jā II 312,16.

The narrative in the Discourse on the Wheel-turning King shows considerable underlying humour.[n.44] Comments on DN 26 from this perspective can be found in Rhys Davids 1921: 53, Gombrich 1988: 83f, Collins 1998: 480–496, and Anālayo 2010b: 97–113. In my study of the first part of the Ekottarika-āgama discourse translated in the previous chapter, I already noted the humour that seems evident in the description of the cakravartin. Needless to say, the humour evident in such passages has a didactic purpose and thus is of a subtle type, quite different from attempts to make an audience roar with laughter.[n.45] The suggestion by Clasquin 2001: 97 that "ancient Buddhism was opposed to humour and laughter" appears to be based on a lack of distinguishing laughter from humour, as already pointed out by Clarke 2009: 313. The suggestion by Clasquin that the sekhiya rule against laughter at Vin IV 187,16 means that laughter is "a matter requiring confession and expiation in front of the entire assembly of fellow monastics" seems to confuse the different categories of rules in the Vinaya, as the sekhiya rules do not carry such penalty. Moreover, the issue at stake is only unrestrained laughter in public, which appears to have been considered inappropriate according to ancient Indian etiquette. Needless to say, humour is not restricted to laughter. Thus this rule or other strictures against laughter do not imply that humour was in principle opposed in early Buddhism.

The same tendency to humour continues through the remainder of the discourse, which describes King Ma(k)hādeva spending four periods of eighty-four thousand years as a child, a prince, a king, and a recluse;[n.46] EĀ 50.4 at T II 807a5 and its discourse parallels MN 83 at MN II 76,17 and MĀ 67 at T I 513a28. DN 17 at DN II 196,3 reports the same for King Mahāsudassana. and his descendants living their lives according to the same pattern for eighty-four thousand generations.[n.47] EĀ 50.4 at T II 809a22 (adopting a variant reading) and its parallels MN 83 at MN II 78,8 and MĀ 67 at T I 514b5; cf. also D 1 kha 54b2 or Q 1030 ge 50a6. MN 83 at MN II 78,24 and D 1 kha 54b2 or Q 1030 ge 50a6 even explicitly indicate that King Ma(k)hādeva and each of his descendants spent their fourth life period of renunciation in the same mango grove in Mithilā. This description exemplifies a general tendency of numbers in an oral tradition to have a symbolic function, rather than expressing a precise numerical value.

The number seven in a symbolic sense stands for a complete time cycle.[n.48] Cf. in more detail Anālayo 2011c: 471 note 158. Seven as a basic temporal unit multiplied by the twelve months of the year results in eighty-four. Eighty-four further enhanced by being multiplied by a thousand leads to the number eighty-four thousand, a number that occurs often in Buddhist literature and simply represents a very long time span or a vast quantity.

A literal reading of this description in the Ma(k)hādeva tale would not only be absurd, it would also miss the humour inherent in various narrative episodes in the discourse.[n.49] [49] In relation to jātakas in general, Peris 2004: 37 comments that this type of tale "is not, nor was meant to be taken with the seriousness of a realistic biography … its 'truth' is, rather, metaphorical – and metaphorical with a moralistic intention." To appreciate the central message conveyed by this tale, it needs to be borne in mind that the period of ancient Indian history that saw the rise of Buddhism was characterized by a tendency towards political centralization.

As is common in political history all over the world, the early stages of such political centralization are often marked by a ruthless push to power among petty kings or among rulers and their descendants. This push to power finds its expression in Buddhist texts reporting how King Pasenadi passed away while trying to rally forces against his son who had usurped the throne,[n.50] [50] Ps III 355,5 and T 1451 at T XXIV 239a10; cf. also T 211 at T IV 583a27, translated in Willemen 1999: 56, as well as, e.g., Malalasekera 1938/1998: 172, Bareau 1981: 53, and Amritananda 1983: 68f. or how King Bimbisāra was cruelly put to death by his son Ajātasattu in a bid for power.[n.51] [51] A reference to Ajātasattu's patricide can be found in DN 2 at DN I 85,16, with further details provided in the commentary at Sv I 135,13, a translation of which can be found in Bodhi 1989: 54–56; cf. also the parallels DĀ 27 at T I 109c9, EĀ 43.7 at T II 764a16, and the Saṅghabhedavastu, Gnoli 1978: 251,22. According to Mahāvaṃsa 4.1, Geiger 1958: 21,1, this was only the first instance in a series of patricides among his successors. On the succession of patricides among Ajātasattu's descendants cf. also Lamotte 1958/1988: 93; on the motif of the prince killing his father cf. Ling 1973/1976: 68. The Jain tradition has a somewhat different record of his succession to the throne and his father's death; cf. Deo 1956: 85. For a detailed study of Ajātaśatru narratives cf. Radich 2011.

Ling (1973/1976: 68) explains that in ancient India the king, especially as he grew older and his sons came to manhood, was always at risk from the latter's jealousy. Various safeguards against this danger were set out in the Indian manuals of kingship … these … indicate a general agreement that the ambition of princes constituted a perennial danger to the security of the king.

Against this background, the description of the peaceful succession of eighty-four thousand kings, who at the slightest indication of old age are willing to resign peacefully, hand over all power and control to the heir apparent, and spend the rest of their lives secluded from sensual pleasures in renunciation, would not have failed to have its effect on the ancient Indian audience.

This suggests that the depiction of the harmonious succession of kings involves a witty criticism of rulership in ancient India. In this way, with a touch of humour the present tale highlights the superiority of renunciation over the insatiable drive for power among Indian kings.

In a country where much spiritual endeavour was and still is aimed at a vision of the gods, the description of these virtuous kings reaches its culmination point when the gods are so impressed with King Nimi's exemplary conduct that they wish to meet him. The entertaining description reaches yet another climax when King Nimi, instead of remaining in heaven and enjoying the bliss of celestial pleasures, prefers to return home in order to continue performing wholesome deeds.

Notably, his decision is taken after the completion of his journey to heaven, a journey during which he witnessed the fruition of good and bad karma. In this way, with what appears to be a good dose of humour aimed at popular aspirations to heavenly pleasures, the present tale delivers a typical Buddhist teaching by depicting how an exemplary human being will give priority to wholesome conduct over indulgence in sensual pleasures, be these human or divine.

It is against this description of ideal rulership that the Buddha's final message stands out, highlighting that no matter how ideal one may imagine a ruler to be, the real answer to the human predicament can only be found by undertaking the path to liberation. Thus the depiction of the wheel-turning king in the first part of the Ekottarika-āgama discourse, just as the exemplary kingship described subsequently, is an integral expression of the early Buddhist attitude towards worldly power, which is seen as vastly inferior to renunciation and liberation. In sum, the soteriological message of the discourse as a whole is to highlight the superiority of mastery of one's own mind over worldly dominion.[n.52] [52] An example that reflects this attitude would be Dhp 103, according to which victory over oneself is superior to victory gained a thousand times over a thousand foes each time. For Indic language parallels cf. Uv 23.3, Bernhard 1965: 291, Gāndhārī Dharmapada 305, Brough 1962/2001: 167, Patna Dharmapada 378, Cone 1989: 204; cf. also the Uttarājjhayaṇa 9.34, Charpentier 1922: 98,17.