Introduction

In what follows I study the records of a visit paid by Mahāmoggallāna to Sakka's heaven, reported in the Cūḷataṇhāsaṅkhaya-sutta and its parallels. During this visit, the complacent attitude of the ruler of the devas is stirred by a feat of supernormal power performed by the visiting monk.

A closer study of the discourse brings to light its underlying humour and shows how the ancient Indian god Indra has been 'included' in the thought-world of early Buddhism to deliver a doctrinally central teaching on the importance of the destruction of craving.[n.1] [2] In Anālayo 2010e: 2 I argue that the role of Indra in early Buddhist texts can be understood as exemplifying a mode of thought that has been referred to as "inclusivism", on which cf. the articles collected in Oberhammer 1983, as well as, e.g., Mertens 2004 and Ruegg 2008: 97–99. The role assumed in this way by Indra reflects a transformation undergone by the ancient Indian warrior god, the slayer of Vṛtra,[n.2] [3] A summary of this myth can be found in Macdonell 1897/2000: 58–60. who in early Buddhist texts has become a peaceful and devoted Buddhist disciple by the name of Sakka.[n.3] [4] Godage 1945: 70–71 explains that while Indra "was a picture of the warlike Aryan who was bent on the conquest of new lands and the repelling of his enemies", descriptions of Sakka seem to follow "the model of the character of a Buddhist Upāsaka"; cf. also Masson 1942: 46, Lamotte 1966: 116, and Anālayo 2010e: 3. Barua 1967: 184 notes how "the infuriated Vṛtra slayer of the Veda" is transformed into "a devout Buddhist disciple". Arunasiri 2006: 629 points out that "in Buddhist literature we observe an attempt to adjust Vedic Indra's character so that it would not clash with the main principles of Buddhism." Bingenheimer 2008b: 153 comments that "certainly the gentle and friendly Sakka bears little resemblance to the soma-quaffing, demon-beheading Indra of the Vedas." The positive value accorded to Sakka in early Buddhist thought is also reflected in the circumstance that, as noted by Jones 1979: 174, in jātaka tales the Buddha "appears twenty-one times in the form of Sakka". Regarding the function assumed by Indra in the Jain tradition, von Glasenapp 1925/1999: 268 comments that "Śakra appears on all occasions which affect the world; he has above all a role in the history of the Tīrthaṅkaras." Sakka is not the only denizen of ancient Indian cosmology to have lost his more fierce aspects on becoming part of Buddhist thought. Other examples would be Yama, where according to Marasinghe 2002: 631 "the Ṛg Vedic god of death and the king and ruler of the underworld … has been reduced in Buddhism to a mere passive onlooker at the uninfluenced operation of the law of karma"; or the nāgas, of which Vogel 1926: 93 notes that in Buddhist literature "the dreaded serpent-demons are generally presented as devout worshippers of the Buddha." This transformation is such that in one episode, even when he has to engage in war, Sakka still gives priority to not harming living beings. On being defeated, he halts his retreat and turns round to face the enemy again so as to avoid harming the nests of birds that would be destroyed if he were to continue his flight.[n.4] SN 11.6 at SN I 224,24 and its parallels SĀ 1222 at T II 333c1 and SĀ² 49 at T II 390a8. Needless to say, this heroic deed in the name of harmlessness is what then ensures his final victory.[n.5] For Sakka acting as a devout Buddhist disciple cf. also below p. 415ff.

The extant versions of Mahāmoggallāna's visit to Sakka's heaven are as follows:

• the Cūḷataṇhāsaṅkhaya-sutta of the Majjhima-nikāya,[n.6] [5] MN 37 at MN I 251,12 to 256,8.
• a discourse in the Saṃyukta-āgama,[n.7] [6a] SĀ 505 at T II 133b24 to T II 134a6.
• a discourse in the Ekottarika-āgama.[n.8] [6b] EĀ 19.3 at T II 593c13 to 594c12, which has been translated by Huyen-Vi et al. 1998: 65–70. The summary verse at T II 596c13 refers to EĀ 19.3 as "abandoning of craving", 斷愛, suggesting that the discourse's title would not have been too different from the title of MN 37.

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Translation

[The Destruction of Craving][n.9] [10] The translated text is SĀ 505 at T II 133b24 to T II 134a6. Akanuma 1929/ 1990: 58 suggests 愛盡 as a tentative title. To facilitate comparison, I adopt the paragraph numbering used in the English translation of the Cūḷataṇhāsaṅkhaya-sutta in Ñāṇamoli 1995/2005: 344–348. This results in irregular numbering, since §§2–4 of the Pāli version have no counterpart in SĀ 505.

1. Thus have I heard. At one time the Buddha was staying at Rājagaha.[n.10] [12] According to MN 37 at MN I 251,13, the Buddha was staying in the Eastern Park by Sāvatthī, in the monastery given by Migāra's mother, whereas according to EĀ 19.3 at T II 593c13 he was staying in Jeta's Grove by Sāvatthī, in the monastery given by Anāthapiṇḍika. This disagreement between the three parallel versions exemplifies the lack of concern prevalent in ancient Indian texts for precise 'historical' information in relation to such issues as geographical locations. The same is reflected in an instruction given in the Mahāsāṅghika and Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinayas, according to which a monk who has forgotten the location of a discourse should just allocate it to one of the main places where the Buddha was known to have stayed frequently; cf. T 1425 at T XXII 497a6 and T 1451 at T XXIV 328c15 (also T XXIV 575b29), the discussion in Schopen 1997/2004: 395–407, and a similar passage in the Ekottarika-āgama, T II 550b13, and in what appears to be a partial commentary on the Ekottarika-āgama, T 1507 at T XXV 33b19 (on this work cf. Palumbo 2013). The lack of concern for historical details evident in these instructions stands in contrast to a much greater care with which doctrinal teachings are transmitted in the discourses. Rhys Davids 1899: 207 explains that "the doctrine taught loomed so much larger than anything else" that the monks responsible for the texts were "necessarily more concerned with that, than with any historical accuracy in the details of the story." In the same vein, de Jong 1974/1979: 142 notes that information on the location of a discourse is considerably less well established in the tradition than the text itself. Coward 1986: 305 comments that "the early Buddhists shared … the Indian indifference to historical details. Historical events surrounding a text are judged to be unimportant in relation to the unchanging truth the text contains." According to Pollock 1989: 610, behind the ancient Indian attitude towards historical details stands "a model of 'truth' that accorded history no epistemological value or social significance." Gombrich 1990a: 22 explains that "from the religious point of view this is perfectly understandable: the narrative framework of the sayings is not relevant to salvation." Thus when evaluating the leeway given to supplementing a location in case this has been forgotten, as pointed out by Scharfe 2002: 25 note 93, "it is worth noting that no such 'creativeness' was allowed where the content of the lesson is concerned." At that time the venerable Mahāmoggallāna was living on Mount Vulture Peak.

5. Then, while being alone and meditating in a quiet place, [n.11] [14] The progression of the introductory narration in MN 37 and EĀ 19.3 differs, as these two versions report Sakka's visit to the Buddha as an event actually happening (§§2–4 in Ñāṇamoli 1995/2005: 344), whereas in SĀ 505 the visit is only remembered by Mahāmoggallāna. According to MN 37 at MN I 252,8 and EĀ 19.3 at T II 593c27, Mahāmoggallāna was seated not far away from the Buddha at the time of that visit. Once Sakka had left, Mahāmoggallāna had the reflection that according to SĀ 505 he had while dwelling on Mount Vulture Peak. the venerable Mahāmoggallāna had the following thought:

"At a former time, in a cave in the Border Mountains,[n.12] [15] This appears to refer to the meeting between Sakka and the Buddha in the Indasāla Cave, which in the Pāli canon is reported in DN 21 at DN II 263,1. A reference to a discussion between Sakka and the Buddha which has the "Border Mountains" as its venue occurs also in SĀ 552 at T II 144c24, SĀ 553 at T II 145a12, and SĀ 988 at T II 257b3, where in the case of SĀ 552 the Pāli parallel SN 22.4 at SN III 13,5 explicitly mentions the Sakkapañha (i.e. DN 21); on the name of this location cf. also Waldschmidt 1932: 62 note 3. Sakka, the ruler of the devas, asked the Blessed One about the significance of liberation [through] the destruction of craving. On having heard the Blessed One's explanation, he was delighted. He seemed to want to ask further questions on its significance. I shall now approach him and ask what delighted his mind."[n.13] [16] In MN 37 at MN I 252,10 the motivation for Mahāmoggallāna's visit is to find out if Sakka had understood the instruction he had received from the Buddha. EĀ 19.3 at T II 593c29 reports that he wanted to find out if Sakka had asked this question as one who had attained the path.

6. Having had this thought, just as a strong man might quickly bend or stretch out an arm, he disappeared from Mount Vulture Peak and arrived in the Heaven of the Thirty-three, where he appeared not far away from the Single Lotus Pond.[n.14] [17] SĀ 505 at T II 133c1: 一分陀利, counterpart to the ekapuṇḍarīka in MN 37 at MN I 252,18, where, however, this name refers to a park, uyyāna, not a pond. The term ekapuṇḍarīka recurs in MN 88 at MN II 112,14 as the name of an elephant, rendered as 一奔陀利 in the parallel MĀ 214 at T I 797c14. EĀ 19.3 does not describe in what way or where Sakka was passing his time when Mahāmoggallāna arrived.

7. At that time Sakka, the ruler of the devas, was disporting himself in the pond, bathing together with five hundred female attendants, all of them divine maidens who were singing most beautifully. [n.15] [18] SĀ 505 at T II 133c3 reports that they were making most beautiful sounds, 音聲美妙, with the next line of the text then indicating that they had been singing, 歌. This helps clarify the expression dibbehi pañcahi turiyasatehi (Be: tūriyasatehi) with which according to MN 37 at MN I 252,18 Sakka was endowed at the time of Mahāmoggallāna's arrival. Chalmers 1926: 181 translates this expression as "five hundred instruments discoursing heavenly music", Horner 1953/1967: 307 as "five hundred deva-like musical instruments", and Ñāṇamoli 1995/2005: 345 as being endowed "a hundredfold with the five kinds of heavenly music". The difficulties this cryptic expression in MN 37 posed to the translators are quite understandable, yet the solution to the conundrum becomes easy once SĀ 505 is taken into account: Sakka was surrounded by five hundred nymphs who were entertaining him with music; cf. Anālayo 2005: 11. Then, on seeing Mahāmoggallāna from afar, Sakka, the ruler [of the devas], told the divine maidens: "Stop singing, stop singing!"

The divine maidens thereupon immediately became quiet. Sakka, the ruler of the devas, approached the venerable Mahāmoggallāna, paid respect with his head at [Mahāmoggallāna's] feet, and withdrew to stand to one side.

8. The venerable Mahāmoggallāna asked Sakka, the ruler [of the devas]: "At an earlier time, on the Border Mountains, you asked the Blessed One about the significance of liberation [through] the destruction of craving. Having heard [the explanation by the Blessed One], you were delighted. What was on your mind? Did you rejoice on hearing the explanation, or else did you rejoice because you wanted to ask further questions?"[n.16] [19] This query is without a counterpart in MN 37 or in EĀ 19.3, where Mahāmoggallāna only requests that Sakka repeat what he had been taught by the Buddha.

Sakka, the ruler of the devas, replied to the venerable Mahāmoggallāna: "We in the Heaven of the Thirty-three are quite attached to self-indulgence and pleasure. At times we remember an earlier matter, at other times we do not remember it.[n.17] [20] In MN 37 at MN I 252,34 and EĀ 19.3 at T II 594a9, Sakka excuses himself by pointing out that he has much to do, without admitting that he is selfindulgent. The Blessed One is now in the Bamboo Grove, the Squirrels' Feeding Ground, at Rājagaha. Venerable sir, as you would like to know the matter I asked about earlier on the Border Mountains, you could right now approach the Blessed One and ask him. As the Blessed One explains it, so you could remember it.[n.18] [21] This witty suggestion is not found in the parallel versions, instead of which in MN 37 at MN I 253,2 and EĀ 19.3 at T II 594a11 Sakka narrates a former victory over the asuras and then leads the talk over to the palace he began to build on that occasion. On the symbolic significance of such battles between devas and asuras in early Buddhist thought cf., e.g., Witanachchi 2005.

"However, in this realm here I have a beautiful palace, which has been completed recently, not long ago.[n.19] [22] MN 37 at MN I 253,8 and EĀ 19.3 at T II 594a15 offer a more detailed description of the palace, indicating that it had seven hundred chambers, each chamber was inhabited by seven heavenly maidens, each of whom had seven attendants. A similar description can be found in the discourse that precedes the present discourse in the Saṃyukta-āgama, SĀ 504 at T II 133b16. You could enter it and take a look."

9. Then the venerable Mahāmoggallāna accepted [the invitation] by remaining silent. He right away went together with Sakka, the ruler of the devas, into the palace.[n.20] [23] According to MN 37 at MN I 253,14 and EĀ 19.3 at T II 594a17, the two were accompanied by Vessavaṇa, one of the Four Heavenly Kings. His presence, as one of the protectors of the world (cf., e.g., Kirfel 1920: 195f, Malalasekera 1938/1998: 948–950, Haldar 1977: 80f, and Mudiyanse 1999), bestows on the visit to the palace a nuance of official reception. On seeing from afar that Sakka, the ruler [of the devas], was coming, all of the divine maidens [inside the palace] performed heavenly music by singing or dancing. The rows of gems and ornaments with which the bodies of those divine maidens were lavishly adorned produced the most beautiful sounds, in accordance with the five [types] of music, in this way skilfully creating a melody without a sound being out of tune.[n.21] [24] This description is without a counterpart in the two parallels.

When these crowds of divine maidens saw the venerable Mahāmoggallāna, they all became ashamed and went back to hide in their rooms.[n.22] [25] Similar to the instance mentioned above in note 15, this small detail clarifies the situation described in the parallel accounts in MN 37 at MN I 253,18 and EĀ 19.3 at T II 594a25, where it is not self-evident why the heavenly maidens should be embarrassed; cf. in more detail Anālayo 2005: 11f.

10. Then Sakka, the ruler of the devas, said to the venerable Mahāmoggallāna: "Look at this palace, with its level terrace, its walls and pillars, its roof beams and tiered gables, the windows, screens, and curtains, all gloriously beautiful!"

The venerable Mahāmoggallāna replied to Sakka, the ruler [of the devas]: "Kosiya, such fine fruits manifest because you earlier developed wholesome states and [performed] meritorious deeds."

In this way Sakka, the ruler [of the devas], praised himself three times by asking the venerable Mahāmoggallāna's [opinion about the palace], who replied three times [as above].

11. Then the venerable Mahāmoggallāna had the thought: "Now this Sakka, ruler [of the devas], is highly self-indulgent and attached to this realm of heavenly existence, praising this palace. I shall now arouse some sense of urgency in his mind."[n.23] [26] SĀ 505 at T II 133c27: 厭離, which according to Hirakawa 1997: 224 can render saṃvega, a meaning that fits the present context well and is also found in the corresponding section in MN 37 at MN I 253,35. According to EĀ 19.3 at T II 594a29, he wanted to "frighten" him, 恐怖. On saṃvega cf. also, e.g., Coomaraswamy 1943. He entered [a state of] concentration and, through the use of supernormal power, shook the palace with one of his toes so that it trembled all over. Then the venerable Mahāmoggallāna swiftly disappeared and was no more to be seen.[n.24] [27] In MN 37 at MN I 254,6 and EĀ 19.3 at T II 594b4 Mahāmoggallāna does not disappear right away after the supernormal feat. Instead, he gets Sakka, whose complacency has apparently been shattered so thoroughly that his memory has come back into operation, to repeat the instruction given to him earlier by the Buddha (§§12–13 in Ñāṇamoli 1995/2005: 346f).

14. The host of divine maidens, seeing the palace shake and tremble, had become very afraid and had gone running in all directions. [When the tremble was over], they asked Sakka, the ruler [of the devas]: "Kosiya, is this your great teacher, possessed of such great might and power?"

Then Sakka, the ruler of the devas, told the divine maidens: "This is not my teacher, this is Mahāmoggallāna, a disciple of the great teacher. He is a pure practitioner of the holy life who has great virtue and great power."[n.25] [28] According to MN 37 at MN I 255,8, Sakka told the heavenly maidens that Mahāmoggallāna was one of his companions in the holy life, sabrahmacārī me eso (EĀ 19.3 does not report any exchange between the heavenly maidens and Sakka after the miracle). This is slightly puzzling, as Sakka was not a brahmacārin himself, a problem also noted in Ps II 304,27; cf. also Haldar 1977: 89.

The divine maidens said: "Well indeed, Kosiya, if you have as co-practitioner in the holy life a disciple of such great virtue and great power, how much more must be the virtue and power of the great teacher!"[n.26] [29] MN 37 at MN I 255,12 and EĀ 19.3 at T II 594b25 continue by reporting that Mahāmoggallāna approached the Buddha with the request to be told the instruction the Buddha had earlier given to Sakka. MN 37 at MN I 256,7 and EĀ 19.3 at T II 594cb11 conclude with Mahāmoggallāna delighting in the Buddha's words and thereby have, in contrast to the abrupt ending of SĀ 505, the standard conclusion to a discourse.

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Study

To appreciate the central message of the present tale requires a brief look at another discourse, the Sakkapañha-sutta of the Dīgha-nikāya. In agreement with parallels preserved in Chinese and Sanskrit, the Sakkapañha-sutta reports that Sakka attained streamentry during his first meeting with the Buddha.[n.27] [30] DN 21 at DN II 288,21, fragment 581 folio 102R, Waldschmidt 1932: 109,9, DĀ 14 at T I 66a2, MĀ 134 at T I 638c1, and T 203 at T IV 477c16. This not only provides a background for Sakka's activities in Buddhist texts in general, but also appears to be closely related to the event depicted in the above-translated discourse.

The close relationship between these two discourses is reflected in the circumstance that key Pāli terminology found in the Buddha's last reply to a series of questions put by Sakka in the Sakkapañha-sutta recurs in Sakka's enquiry in the Pāli version of the present discourse, the Cūḷataṇhāsaṅkhaya-sutta.[n.28] [31] Both DN 21 at DN II 283,9 and MN 37 at MN I 251,17 speak of being "liberated [through] the destruction of craving", taṅhāsaṅkhayavimutta, and of reaching "the ultimate end, the ultimate security from bondage, the ultimate holy life, the ultimate goal", accantaniṭṭha, accantayogakkhemin, accantabrahmacārin, accantapariyosāna. The same terms recur also in a reference to the Sakkapañha-sutta in SN 22.4 at SN III 13,5. Another feature that DN 21 at DN II 285,6 and MN 37 at MN I 253,2 have in common is that in both discourses Sakka narrates how on a former occasion the devas defeated the asuras in battle. This indicates that the question posed by Sakka according to the report given in the Cūḷataṇhāsaṅkhaya-sutta follows up on an exchange he earlier had during his first meeting with the Buddha, recorded in the Sakkapañha-sutta. The same continuity of Sakka's enquiry would also underlie Mahāmoggallāna's reflection in the Saṃyukta-āgama version, according to which Sakka on that earlier occasion "seemed to want to ask further questions" about "the significance of liberation [through] the destruction of craving".

The settings of the two discourses, however, differ considerably. According to the Sakkapañha-sutta, on that earlier occasion Sakka did not even dare to approach the Buddha and requested the gandhabba Pañcasikkha to intervene and announce Sakka's visit.[n.29] [32] DN 21 at DN II 265,1; on the gandhabba in general cf. Anālayo 2008d. In contrast to his timid behaviour in the Sakkapañha-sutta, in the present discourse Sakka is depicted as acting quite self-confidently and the way he poses his question conveys almost a nuance of casualness.

The impression of a somewhat casual attitude receives confirmation soon enough, when Sakka is found to be indulging in sensual enjoyment in the company of divine maidens who are entertaining him with song – a pastime not quite in keeping with the penetrative teaching on the destruction of craving he had just received.

His failure to live up to this teaching is further heightened by the circumstance reported in another discourse that Mahāmoggallāna also received the same instruction on the destruction of craving. According to the Pāli commentary, Mahāmoggallāna put this instruction to good use, as it led him to realize full awakening.[n.30] [33] AN 7.58 at AN IV 88,12 and Mp IV 44,23. Similar to AN 7.58, the parallels MĀ 83 at T I 560b4 and T 47 at T I 837c5 report the instruction without explicitly mentioning Mahāmoggallāna's attainment of full awakening. From this perspective, Sakka and Mahāmoggallāna can be seen to embody two noble disciples with diametrically opposed attitudes towards the same instruction given by the Buddha.

The surprise visit of Mahāmoggallāna to the Heaven of the Thirty-three throws into relief this contrast in an entertaining way, where on being confronted with Mahāmoggallāna's sudden appearance Sakka has to stop the singing girls and adopt the behaviour of a faithful lay disciple who receives a perhaps not altogether convenient visit by a monk. The same contrast continues when the unexpected visitor asks a question about the Buddha's instructions on the destruction of craving, whereon Sakka tries to change the topic.[n.31] [34] As Arunasiri 2006: 633 notes, the invitation for a tour of the palace is made "to divert the attention of the elder elsewhere", i.e. away from the question he had asked and thereby away from the topic of the destruction of craving.

His reply in the Saṃyukta-āgama is particularly worthy of note, when he wittily suggests that Mahāmoggallāna might best approach the Buddha directly with his enquiry, so that on having heard it from the Buddha, Mahāmoggallāna could remember it accordingly. This suggestion employs a standard phrase from the early discourses according to which the monks, on having heard an instruction given by the Buddha, will remember it accordingly. Its occurrence in the present context has a rather comical effect, in line with a tendency towards humour evident in all versions.[n.32] [35] On humour in Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya texts cf. Clarke 2009a, Schopen 2007 and 2009. The presence of humour in Theravāda canonical texts was already noted by Rhys Davids when introducing his translations of individual Dīgha-nikāya discourses; on humour in Pāli discourses cf. also, e.g., Rahula 1981, Gombrich 1988: 82ff and 1990b: 13, Norman 1991/1993, Gombrich 1992, Collins 1998: 476ff, and Gombrich 2009: 180–192. In fact, even a doctrinal item like the twelve links of dependent arising (paṭicca samuppāda) appears to involve some degree of punning on ancient Indian cosmogony; cf. Jurewicz 2000, Gombrich 2003: 11ff, and Jones 2009.

The entertaining tale comes to a climax when, after Sakka has taken advantage of the occasion in order to boast of his palace, Mahāmoggallāna decides to disturb his complacency. In view of the general Indian scorn for lower parts of the body, especially the feet, it may not be accidental that Mahāmoggallāna shakes the divine palace with his toe. In this way the lowliest part of the body of an arahant causes the heavenly palace to tremble at its very foundation,[n.33] [36] Ps II 304,4 explains that Mahāmoggallāna achieved this by way of entering into [absorption based on] the water kasiṇa, whereon he determined that the ground on which the palace stood should turn into water, after which he struck the corner of the palace with his great toe. shattering the self-indulgent and forgetful attitude of the heavenly king.

The image conveyed by this episode appears to be pervaded by humour, where the heavenly palace, the symbol of a divine lifestyle that affords the acme of sensual enjoyment, is quite literally given a kick by an arahant who has gone beyond the attraction that such heavenly pleasures could offer. The present scene seems to pun on the type of happiness that according to ancient Indian thought becomes available through rebirth in a heavenly realm of the sense-sphere. Several discourses indicate that, from the normative perspective of early Buddhist monastics, aspirations to such a heavenly rebirth were regarded with disdain.[n.34] [37] AN 3.18 at AN I 115,2 indicates that Buddhist monks would feel ashamed if others were to think that they are practising with the aspiration to be reborn in a heavenly sphere. MN 16 at MN I 102,9 and AN 10.14 at AN V 18,25 consider such an aspiration to be a "mental bondage", whereas their parallel EĀ 51.4 at T II 817b1 includes the same under the category of being a "mental corruption". SN 35.200 at SN IV 180,22 and its parallels SĀ 1174 at T II 315a2 and EĀ 43.3 at T II 759a18 reckon an aspiration for a celestial rebirth to be a way of being "caught by non-humans". AN 7.47 at AN IV 55,21 scornfully treats such an aspiration as an impurity of the holy life; for a comparative study of this discourse cf. Hahn 1977.

The Pāli and Ekottarika-āgama versions complete the picture by reporting that, after Mahāmoggallāna's display of supernormal powers, Sakka was able to recall the instruction given to him by the Buddha on the destruction of craving.[n.35] [38] MN 37 at MN I 254,11 and EĀ 19.3 at T II 594b8. So the shock treatment administered to Sakka by rocking the foundations of his palace had its effect in overcoming forgetfulness – one of the obstructions on the path to awakening – and arousing recollection of the Buddha's teaching.

In this way, the episode narrated in the Cūḷataṇhāsaṅkhaya-sutta and its parallels serves to illustrate how awareness of the unstable foundation of sensual pleasures can bring a disciple back to his senses, making him realize the importance of the destruction of craving, which will result in a form of imperturbability that can no longer be shaken.[n.36] [39] According to AN 6.55 at AN III 378,7 (= Vin I 184,27), the mind of an arahant can no longer be shaken by any experience, comparable to a mountain that will not be shaken by wind from any of the four directions. This simile recurs in the parallels MĀ 123 at T I 612c20, SĀ 254 at T II 63a22, T 1428 at T XXII 844c25, Gnoli 1978: 146,6, fragment 142 SB 35, Hoernle 1916: 169f, and fragment 412 folio 21 V6, Waldschmidt 1968: 781.

The discourse thus employs a delightful tale that appears to be brimming with humour to deliver a teaching on a recurrent theme in the early discourses, namely the contrast between the destruction of craving and indulgence in sensual pleasures. A poetic version of the same theme can be found, for example, in a stanza in the Pāli Dhammapada and its parallels, which runs:

[Even] by a shower of coins
Sensual desires will not be satiated.
Sensual pleasures give little pleasure and are unsatisfactory The wise who have understood this
Find no delight
Even in heavenly pleasures.
[Instead, a true] disciple of the Fully Awakened One
Delights in the destruction of craving.[n.37] [40] Dhp 186–187: na kahāpaṇavassena titti kāmesu vijjati, appassādā dukhā (Se: dukkhā) kāmā iti viññāya paṇḍito, api dibbesu kāmesu ratiṃ so nādhigacchati, taṇhakkhayarato hoti sammāsambuddhasāvako. This couplet has a range of closely similar parallels: Divyāvadāna, Cowell and Neil 1886: 224,12, Patna Dharmapada 145–146, Cone 1989: 140, Uv 2.17, Bernhard 1965a: 117. The Chinese counterpart in T 212 at T IV 631c13+20, differs in as much as here the rain consists of the seven (kinds of) jewels: 天雨七寶, 猶欲無厭, 樂 少苦多, 覺之為賢, 雖有天欲, 惠捨不貪, 樂離恩愛, 三佛弟子, (the same set of stanzas recurs in the two Chinese Dharmapadas with only minimal variations; cf. T 210 at T IV 571c3 and T 211 at T IV 604a25).

In this way, the domesticated warrior god Indra assumes the role of a somewhat negligent Buddhist disciple in a picturesque narrative that unfolds in a celestial setting, whose underlying message turns out to be a central doctrinal teaching of early Buddhism.

The present instance illustrates how early Buddhist texts adopt members of the ancient Indian pantheon for their own purposes, 'including' them, with a considerable dose of humour, in their own thought-world, skilfully combining entertainment with education.